从写作到“闲聊”，或为何《JURNAL KARBON》不再发表文章而在播客上聊天：一次反思

From Writing to ‘Blabbing’, or Why Jurnal Karbon Doesn't Publish Articles Anymore But Talks On The Radio: A Reflection

在2014年末或者2015年初到年中左右（我记不清具体时间了），一个平常的傍晚，在位于雅加达南部的特贝特东内大道（Tebet Timur Dalam Raya）6号，阿尔迪·尤南托（Ardi Yunanto）和法里德·拉昆（Farid Rakun）约我聊天。为了这次会议，我准备了一份进度报告，内容是我对雅加达火车站附近属于市民的停车位的研究和写作过程。这份研究和写作将发表在karbonjournal.org上。我们坐在ruangrupa空间后屋的一张长桌边。在OK录像室和事务室中间的小花园里，一尊陷入冥想的佛像正盯着我。在我陈述完后，阿尔迪说：“别管这些了，我们希望你来负责《Karbon Journal》。”我：嗯，再说一次？

One ordinary evening at Jalan Tebet Timur Dalam Raya No. 6, South Jakarta, around late 2014 or early to mid-2015 (I can't really remember the time), Ardi Yunanto and Farid Rakun invited me to chat. For the meeting, I prepared a progress report on the research and writing process about citizen-owned parking lots around train stations in Jakarta. The research and writing will be published on karbonjournal.org. We sat at a long table in the back room of ruangrupa's house. The meditating Buddha sculpture in the small garden between OK. Video room and the Admin Room was staring at me. After I finished presenting the report, Ardi said: 'Forget it, we want you to be the one who takes care of Karbon.' Me, huh, come again?

正如文章标题和上面这个小故事所指明的，这篇文章是关于《Jurnal Karbon》的———具体来说，是近十年以来，我作为《Jurnal Karbon》的一部分的经验和对它的理解。因此，本文将结合档案数据和我脑中的回忆，而不会在意资料精准性和主观感受之间的差距。

As made clear by its title and the brief story, this article is about Jurnal Karbon—more specifically, my understanding and experience as a part of it for about a decade. The article will therefore combine archival data with memories from my head. It will not be concerned with the gap between data accuracy and subjective feelings.

《Jurnal Karbon》名字里“Journal”这个词经常被误解。“Journal”本身与严肃的学术出版物有关。如今，印尼的学者遵循一套特定的科学写作规则，外加一套据说可以表明期刊质量和可信度的认证系统。因此，当与不熟悉《Jurnal Karbon》及其母组织ruangrupa和“Gudskul生态系统”的人聊天时，误解常会出现。比如，人们会问“你的刊物有什么认证？”“你们的Sinta[1]等级是多少？”等等。为了避免这种情况，让我先简单介绍一下《Jurnal Karbon》。

The word 'journal' in Jurnal Karbon is often misunderstood. 'Journal' itself is associated with a serious, academic publication. These days, Indonesian academics follow a certain set of scientific writing rules, coupled with an accreditation system that is said to indicate the quality and credibility of a journal. As a result, misunderstanding arises when talking about Jurnal Karbon with those unfamiliar with it and its parent organisation, ruangrupa and Gudskul Ekosistem. For example, people ask 'What accreditation does your journal have?', 'What Sinta[1] rating have you received?', etc. To at least avoid this, let me start with a little introduction about Jurnal Karbon.

四种定义与《 [Jurnal] Karbon》

Four Definitions and the [Jurnal] Karbon Journey

《Jurnal Karbon》由ruangrupa于2000年创立，这也是这个团体诞生的那一年。最初，杂志的出版意图是：

……作为ruangrupa所有活动的输出媒体，触达更广泛的观众、激发辩论和讨论。该杂志聚焦与ruangrupa的艺术项目、文献和研究相关的艺术与文化类文章。这对印尼艺术批评家的发展也非常重要，因为很长时间以来这里一本艺术（尤其是视觉艺术）类刊物都没有（上一本艺术杂志出版于1948年，名为《艺术人》[2]）。

Jurnal Karbon was established by ruangrupa in 2000, the year when the collective was born. Initially, the journal was published with the intention to be:

...an output media for all ruangrupa's activities, to reach and stimulate debate and discussion among broader audiences. The journal focuses on art and essays on culture that relate to the art projects, documentation, and research of ruangrupa. It is very important as well for the development of Indonesian art critics in general because there has not been an art journal [visual art especially] published since a long time ago [the last art journal which was published was in 1948 called 'Seniman'[2]].

看起来《Jurnal Karbon》被设想为：（1）自我批评的工具，以及（2）传播知识的尝试。后者由于印尼当时不太理想的知识交流环境而变得困难。

It appears that Jurnal Karbon was conceived as (1) a tool of auto-criticism as well as (2) an effort to disseminate knowledge. The latter was made difficult by the less-than-ideal environment for knowledge exchange in Indonesia at the time.

这是一张20年前《Jurnal Karbon》的广告海报。这张广告试图为《Jurnal Karbon》提供一种解释。它还模仿了印度尼西亚的香烟包装或香烟广告，并以戏仿政府的警告语结束：“政府警告：本杂志无意教育国民，尤其无意帮助发展印度尼西亚艺术。”接着，我们可以看到原本出现在香烟包装上的政府警告。“吸烟会导致癌症、心脏病、阳痿、以及妊娠和胎儿疾病。” 来源：Arsip 碳杂志。This is an advertising poster for Jurnal Karbon from 20 years ago. It tries to offer an explanation of Jurnal Karbon. It parodies cigarette packaging or cigarette advertisements in Indonesia and ends with paradoying government warning: 'Government Warning: This journal is not intended to educate the nation, and is especialy not intended to help develop Indonesian fine arts.' This is followed by the original government warning on cigarette packaging: 'Smoking can cause cancer, heart attacks, impotence, and pregnancy and fetal disorders.' Source: Arsip Jurnal Karbon

如果你今天尝试去查找《Jurnal Karbon》的现状，你可能只会找到（1）它的社交媒体账户Instagram，（2）一些隐藏在rururadio播客账户中的播客。仅此而已。在《Jurnal Karbon》目前的Instagram页面上，可以找到它的第四版自我定义：“《Jurnal Karbon》是一本由ruangrupa发起的关于当代艺术和城市研究的多学科杂志。”这个定义经历了许多变化，并且在持续改变。以第一个版本为例，《Jurnal Karbon》2001年第2期至4期上写着的定义是：“一本有关艺术话题的季刊”[3]。而ruangrupa的15周年纪念小册子（在2015年出版）中有一个不同的定义（即第三版）：“……一份线上杂志，以创造性、批判性和具有想象力的方式，从不同角度讨论印度尼西亚城市居民的公共空间、作品和视觉文化等议题。”[4]

If you try to look up Karbon's current existence today, you will probably only find (1) its social media account Instagram and (2) some podcasts tucked inside the rururadio podcast account. Nothing more. On the current Instagram page of Jurnal Karbon, the fourth version of its self-definition can be found:'Jurnal Karbon is a multidisciplinary journal about contemporary art and urban studies initiated by ruangrupa'. This definition has gone through many changes and continues to shift. Take, for example, the first version found in Karbon issue 2 - 04 / 2001: 'A quarterly journal of art issues'[3]. A different definition (the third version) is found in ruangrupa's 15th-anniversary booklet (published in 2015): '...an online journal that discusses issues of public space as well as the work and visual culture of urban residents in Indonesia seen from various perspectives in a creative, critical and imaginative manner.'[4]

从十到十五年间的四个版本的自我定义中，我们可以看到杂志如何不断更新其范围和重点。2001年的定义（第一和第二版）强调艺术，并关注ruangrupa自己的项目、记录和研究。在2015年的定义（第三版）中，重点略微转向城市视觉文化[5]。在当前的定义（第四版）中，我们看到了合并这两种趋势的尝试。定义的更迭与《Jurnal Karbon》从印刷到数字和基于网络的格式变化是一致的。同时，最新的定义呼应了《Jurnal Karbon》对其他媒体的使用。为了更清楚地展示格式的变化和定义的转变，以下是一条时间轴：

From the four versions of self-definition, spanning ten to fifteen years, we can see how the journal has kept updating its scope and focus. The 2001 definitions (the first and second) emphasised art and focused on ruangrupa's own projects, documentation and research. Then the focus shifted slightly to urban visual culture in the 2015 definition (the third definition)[5]. In the current definition (the fourth definition), we see an attempt to merge these two tendencies. This change of definition is in line with the change of Jurnal Karbon's format, from print to a digital and web-based format. Meanwhile, the latest definition echoes the utilisation of other media by Jurnal Karbon. To demonstrate the change of format and the shift in definition more clearly, below is a timeline:

《Jurnal Karbon》时间轴 Jurnal Karbon's Timeline

在以上的时间轴中，我收录了《Jurnal Karbon》和另外两本相关作品：第一个是《雅加达城市空间中的公共和广告牌》（ Publik dan Reklame di Ruang Kota Jakarta，2013年），这是一项《Jurnal Karbon》和印度尼西亚法律与政策研究中心的合作。

In the timeline above I have included both Jurnal Karbon and two other works that are part of it. The first is the publication of the book Publik dan Reklame di Ruang Kota Jakarta (Public and Billboards in Jakarta's Urban Spaces) (2013), a collaboration between Jurnal Karbon and Pusat Studi Hukum dan Kebijakan Indonesia (The Indonesian Center for Law and Policy Studies).

第二本是《Majalah Bung!》。《Majalah Bung!》并没有直接由《Jurnal Karbon》出版。然而，我认为这本杂志很重要，因为它是ruangrupa书面作品的延伸[6]。同样有趣的是，《Majalah Bung!》出现在《Jurnal Karbon》从印刷品改为在线杂志并更名为“karbonjournal”之后。这一变化回应了（特别是在当时的印度尼西亚）日益普及的互联网，以及许多基于互联网的大众媒体的出现。ruangrupa的成员大多出生在90年代。在经营了几年的线上杂志后，他们开始怀念实体格式。更具体地说，他们怀念纸质杂志作为信息和愉悦的主要来源的日子——这对他们这一代人来说无疑如此。阿尔迪·尤南托，《Majalah Bung!》的总经理及karbonjournal.org的编辑之一，在他为《Majalah Bung!》撰写的告别文章中坦白了这一点：

无论如何，最后一代数字移民需要顺应潮流。因此，我们对杂志最怀念的可能不是信息的速度和全面性，也不是身份认同的稳固化——这些都很容易被谷歌、免费下载网站、在线大众媒体和社交媒体提供。我们最怀念的是那些诚实、新鲜、勇敢、顽皮也有意义的文章、照片和插图，它们用着生动的印度尼西亚语，在尊重新闻原则的情况下，挤在一堆纸页里，读起来有趣，也不用急着看完。[7]

The second is Majalah Bung! (Bung! Magazine). Majalah Bung! was not directly published by Jurnal Karbon. However, I think this magazine is important as an extension of the written work that emerged from ruangrupa. What is also interesting is that Majalah Bung! emerged after Jurnal Karbon changed from a print journal to an online journal with a new name, karbonjournal. This change was a response to the increasing use of the Internet, especially in Indonesia at that time, and the emergence of many Internet-based mass media. After a few years of running an online journal, members of ruangrupa, who are mostly born in the 90s, started to miss the analogue format. More specifically, they missed the days when physical magazines were a dominant source of information and pleasure, which was certainly the case for their generation. That's what Ardi Yunanto, general manager of Majalah Bung! and one of the editors of karbonjournal.org, confessed in his farewell article for Majalah Bung!,

This last generation of digital immigrants needs to go with the flow anyway. What we miss most about a magazine, then, is probably not the speed and comprehensiveness of information or the hardening of identities—which are readily served by Uncle Google, free download sites, online mass media and social media. What we miss most are articles, photos, and illustrations that are honest, fresh, brave, naughty, and also make sense, in lively Indonesian, packed in a bundle of pages with respect for the principles of journalism, which are fun to read without rushing to be finished quickly.

作为一名写作者，我第一次与ruangrupa的书面作品的互动也是通过这本杂志。幸运的是，我当时写的并不是狭义的艺术和文化。我受一位朋友罗伊·塔尼亚戈（Roy Thaniago）的邀请（他也是《Majalah Bung!》和karbonjournal的编辑成员），为杂志最后一期的“Nasihat Ayah”（父亲的建议）栏目撰稿。

My first interaction—as a writer—with the written work of ruangrupa was also through this magazine. Happily, I wasn’t writing about art and culture in the narrow sense at the time. I was invited by a friend, Roy Thaniago, who was also a member of the editorial board of Majalah Bung! and karbonjournal, to write for the last issue of the magazine under the section Nasihat Ayah (Father’s Advice).

回到上面的时间轴，在2000年至2013年间，《Jurnal Karbon》似乎并不总是生产包含研究论文或者特定科学分支的专著的传统期刊。从2014年至今，情况也是如此。[8]《Jurnal Karbon》已经扩展到包括视频、展览、播客、广播和研究。因此，在它的发展过程中，《Jurnal Karbon》不再仅仅是一个通过写作传播知识的媒介。不仅如此，它还成为探索知识生产和传播的种种可能性的平台。

Returning to the timeline above, between 2000 and 2013, it appears that Jurnal Karbon didn't always produce conventional periodicals containing research writings or treatises from a particular branch of science.[8] From 2014 to the present, this has also been the case. Jurnal Karbon has expanded to include videos, exhibitions, podcasts, radio broadcasts and research. Thus, in its development, Jurnal Karbon is no longer just a medium for distributing knowledge through writing. More than that, it has become a platform for exploring the possibilities of knowledge production and distribution.

“不知道就不会爱”（Tak Kenal Maka Tak Sayang）计划的视频截图。摘自“Tak Kenal Maka Tak Sayang”版《Pasangan Berkarya yang Gak Cocok Berdasarkan Zodiak》（星座相冲的同事）。Video Screenshoot of Tak Kenal Maka Tak Sayang Program. Screenshots from the edition of Tak Kenal Maka Tak Sayang, 'Pasangan Berkarya yang Gak Cocok Berdasarkan Zodiak' (Incompatible Co-worker Based on Zodiac Signs)].

关于《Jurnal Karbon》之旅的最后一点说明，也将我们带入本文的下一个话题，是关于找作者的困难。至少在我为《Jurnal Karbon》工作的十年里，我感受到了这一点。因为你现在可以很容易地在谷歌上找到信息，写作和阅读不再是许多印尼人的活动选择。定期发表每周的写作很难，通常需要编辑自己动手才能达到出版目标。此外，读者很少回应，尤其很少出现能引发讨论的写作回应。这种情况是我们在rururadio广播上发起脱口秀节目并将其作为播客发布的动力之一。好消息是，以这种方式，我们可以确保节目每周更新。根据我们的经验，每周都要找到采访对象并不算难事。显然，口传传统在我们的语境中更加奏效，而且这项选择其实很不错。

One final note about the Jurnal Karbon journey, which also brings us to the next topic of this article, is about the difficulty in finding writers. I have felt this at least in the 10 years that I have been with Jurnal Karbon. Because you can now easily find information on Uncle Google, writing and reading are no longer activities of choice for many people in Indonesia. It is very difficult, for example, to publish weekly writings regularly. Often, it is the editors themselves who need to step in to meet the publication quota. In addition, readers rarely respond, especially in the form of writing that can generate discussions. This condition was one of the drivers for us to initiate a talk show program on rururadio and publish it as a podcast. The good news is, this way we have been able to ensure weekly updates for the programme. In our experience, it wasn't too difficult to find interviewees every week. Apparently, the tradition of oral knowledge distribution is more effective in our context. And that was not a bad choice at all.

沉默之路

The Silent Path

上述的最后一个问题引发了我的另一番思考。在印度尼西亚，越来越少的人喜爱阅读和写作，这影响了《Jurnal Karbon》的工作。《Jurnal Karbon》最初被设想为一种通过写作来生产和传播知识的手段，正如它的第一和第二种定义所示。这种普遍的困境当然不仅仅是《Jurnal Karbon》在承受着。相反，所有在印度尼西亚致力于写作的人都经历了同样的事情。[9] 印度尼西亚作家和知识分子长期以来一直认为，他们选择的实践是一条“忠于沉默之路”。[10]

The last problem above leads me to another reflection. The condition that increasingly fewer people in Indonesia like to read and write has an impact on the work of Jurnal Karbon, which was originally intended as a means of producing and disseminating knowledge through writing, as illustrated in its first and second definitions. This general dilemma is certainly not the fate of Jurnal Karbon alone. Instead, all those who dedicate themselves to writing in Indonesia will have experienced the same thing.[9] Among Indonesian writers and intellectuals, it has long been recognised that the practice they've chosen is one of 'being faithful to the silent paths'.[10]

当然，这是由几个相互关联的因素形成的。这里可以提到的两个方面是经济和教育。经济原因很简单，一个人通过写作赚的钱很少。我记得与印度尼西亚资深视觉艺术作家班邦·布佐诺（Bambang Bujono）的一次对话。当时，我们试图计算一名自由撰稿人从印度尼西亚一家知名出版物获得的酬金（当然，这是薪酬最高的出版物之一）。然后，我们将它与雅加达的作家想要参观万隆的展览所需要的费用进行比较。我们的结论是，酬金甚至无法足够支付住宿和交通。

Of course, this is shaped by several interconnected things. Two that can be mentioned here are economics and education. The economic reason is as simple as the fact that what one earns from writing is very little. I remember a conversation with Bambang Bujono, a senior Indonesian visual arts writer. At that time, we tried to calculate the honorarium a freelance writer got from a well-known publication in Indonesia (one of the highest-paying, of course). Then we compared it with what a writer from Jakarta needed if they wanted to visit an exhibition in Bandung. Our conclusion was that the honorarium did not even cover the accommodation and transportation.

印尼的现代教育自诞生之初，在其所设定的终极目标上就是自我否定的。对迈克尔·J·桑德尔（Michael J. Sandel）来说，大学层面的教育目的仅仅是为了尊重和奖励学术上的卓越表现，并通过在社会中树立榜样和建立理想或思想来履行对社会的责任。[11] 印度尼西亚的现代教育最初是由荷兰殖民者在“政治伦理”（Politik Etis）的背景下广泛推行，但它从一开始已经违背了这一目的：他们的目标非常实际，即在群岛培养廉价劳动力。对当时的许多印度尼西亚人来说，有机会接受教育，然后在荷兰的办公室当职员，是提高社会地位的一种方式——成为“贵族”（priyayi）[12]。因此，人们对教育产生的头衔和教育机构本身更感兴趣，而不是他们获得的知识。“重要的是尽快毕业，拿到文凭，然后找工作。”我们经常听到这样的笑话。这种扭曲的教育目标今天仍然存在。下面这段马丁·苏里亚贾亚（Martin Suryajaya）的引述或许可以说明印度尼西亚教育机构的状况：

我们有机构，但它们只是伪机构：它们有时扮演教育机构，有时扮演银行，有时扮演礼拜场所，有时扮演腐败的巢穴，有时扮演玩多米诺游戏（gaple）的地方。没什么是确定的，也没有人确切知道。[13]

Modern education in Indonesia has been teleologically self-denying since its inception. For Michael J. Sandel, the purpose of university-level education is merely to honour and reward academic excellence, and to fulfil a duty to society by setting an example and establishing ideals or ideas in society.[11] Modern education in Indonesia, which was first widely disseminated by the Dutch Colonials in the context of Politik Etis (Ethical Politics), already defied this purpose: their goal was very practical, namely to prepare a cheap labour force from the archipelago. For many Indonesians at that time, the opportunity to be educated and then work as a clerk in Dutch offices was a way to rise in social status; to become a priyayi[12]. As a result, people were more interested in the titles that came out of education and the educational institutions themselves rather than the knowledge they were acquiring. 'The important thing is to graduate quickly, get a diploma, then apply for a job.' We often hear such jokes. This skewed goal of education continues to persist today. The following quote from Martin Suryajaya may illustrate the condition of educational institutions in Indonesia,

We have institutions but they are only pseudo-institutions: sometimes they act as educational institutions, sometimes as banks, sometimes as houses of worship, sometimes as dens of corruption, sometimes as places to play gaple. Nothing is certain and no one knows for sure.[13]

问题是，为什么会发生这种情况？上面我们谈了一点殖民主义带来的现代教育目标的扭曲。马丁·苏里亚贾亚和希尔玛·法里德（Hilmar Farid）推测这条“沉默之路”起源于殖民主义导致的印度尼西亚写作和学术背景。[14] 殖民主义不仅在非物质文化层面，也在物质文化层面，造成了文化断裂。

The question is, why did this happen? Above we have talked a little about the distorted aims of modern education brought about by colonialism. Martin Suryajaya and Hilmar Farid have speculated about the origin of this 'Silent Path' in the context of Indonesian writing and scholarship as a result of colonialism.[14] There is a cultural rupture, not only at the level of intangible culture but also at the level of tangible culture, caused by colonialism.

让我们对此进一步研究。我们将从小说《来自Oetimu的人》（Orang-Orang Oetimu）中一段有趣的摘录开始。这部小说讲述了从葡萄牙殖民时期到印度尼西亚独立的几十年间，印度尼西亚地区的帝汶岛上一个名叫Oetimu的村庄的故事。其中一个角色是Am Siki，他拥有特殊的帝汶魔法。他用他的魔法一度杀死了许多日本士兵，因为日本兵强奸了他的马。以下是Am Siki在小说中的抱怨之一：

接着，Am Siki的胸口紧绷了起来。他伤心了，因为外国人来了又来，但其中没有一个人想学会正确地说那种语言。总是帝汶人被迫学习从他嘴里发出的奇怪声音的含义；从葡萄牙语、荷兰语、日语到印度尼西亚语。[15]

Let's try to look into this further. We'll start with an interesting excerpt from the novel Orang-Orang Oetimu. This novel tells the story of a village called Oetimu on the island of Timor in the Indonesian region over several decades, from the Portuguese colonial period to Indonesian independence. One of the characters is Am Siki, who has special Timorese magic. With his magic, he once killed many Japanese soldiers because they raped his horse. This is one of Am Siki's complaints in the novel,

Then Am Siki's chest became tight. He became sad because the foreigners kept coming and coming, but none of them wanted to learn to speak the language properly. It was always the Timorese who were forced to learn the meaning of the strange sounds that came out of his mouth; from Portuguese, Dutch, Japanese, to Indonesian.[15]

从Am Siki的悲伤中，我们可以看到殖民主义如何剥夺了人们的语言——这是人们传播知识的主要工具。在Am Siki的背景下，帝汶人不得不放弃他们的语言，并学习新的语言。事实上，正是通过自身的语言，人们才能理解周遭的世界，并构建起他们的社会生活方式。当他们习得一门外语，并慢慢忘记自己的母语时，他们就失去了对他们自己世界的知识。

From Am Siki's grief, we can see how colonialism deprived people of language, their main tool of knowledge distribution. Timorese in the context of Am Siki had to abandon their language and learn new languages. In fact, it was through their language that the world around them was understood and their social way of life was formulated. As they learnt a foreign language and slowly forgot their native tongue, they lost the knowledge of their world.

在知识界的背景下，正如希尔玛·法里德描述的那样，阿米尔·哈姆扎（Amir Hamzah）叙说了随着殖民主义的到来而消失的马来传统诗歌“班顿”。剩下的只有“沉默”：“马六甲被阿方索的大炮摧毁后，马来诗人的精神消失了。马来孩子的胸膛里的寂寞，熄灭了诗歌的火焰，擦干了诗的眼睛。”[16] 所有的文学（智性工作）的精神都随之消逝，因为灵感和文化的源泉也被殖民主义摧毁了。例如，1894年，荷兰人袭击龙目岛，掠夺了成百上千的珍宝和古代手抄本。[17]

In the context of the intellectual world, Amir Hamzah, as described by Hilmar Farid, narrated the disappearance of the Malay pantun along with the arrival of colonialism. All that was left was 'silence': 'After Malacca was destroyed by Alfonso's cannon, the spirit of Malay poets disappeared. Loneliness in the chest of the Malay child, extinguish the fire of poetry, dry the eyes of poetry.' All the spirit of literature (intellectual work) was lost because the source of inspiration and culture was also destroyed by colonialism. For example, in 1894, the Dutch attacked Lombok and looted hundreds to thousands of treasures and ancient manuscripts.[17]

马丁·苏里亚贾亚在他的书《文学，毁灭》（Kesusastraan Kehancuran）中进一步论述了这个问题。他认为这是印度尼西亚文学从殖民时代到现今总会出现“寂寞”这个意象的原因。殖民者甚至改变和编辑了群岛的文化，随着时间的推移，这些文化被认为是群岛本身的原始文化。苏里亚贾亚说：“我们今天所说的‘传统’，其实是为殖民利益而建构的一种对过去的模拟。”[18] 起初，印度尼西亚的知识分子只是感受到了沉默，但没有意识到这一点。根据苏里亚贾亚的说法，印尼国民作家普拉姆迪亚·阿南达·杜尔（Pramoedya Ananta Toer）是那些意识到沉默背后——在“沉默的歌声”背后——的原因的人之一。普拉姆迪亚通过他的著作《沉默的独白》（Nyanyi Sunyi Seorang Bisu）表明，“沉默”是殖民主义和新殖民主义带来的影响。[19]

In his book, Kesusastraan Kehancuran (Literature, Destruction), Martin Suryajaya problematizes this further. He sees it as the cause of the emergence of the motif of loneliness in Indonesian literature from the colonial era to the present day. Colonisers even changed and edited the culture of the archipelago, which over time was considered the original culture of the archipelago itself. 'What we call "tradition" today is actually a simulation of the past created for colonial interests', said Suryajaya.[18] At first, Indonesian intellectuals only felt the silence but did not realise it. Pramoedya Ananta Toer, according to Suryajaya, was among those who realised the reason behind the silence, behind the silent singing. Through his book Nyanyi Sunyi Seorang Bisu (The Mute Soliloqui), Pramoedya showed that the 'silence' was an impact of colonialism and neocolonialism.[19]

同样重要的是殖民主义如何改变了知识传播的媒介。在马来群岛文化（Nusantara）手抄本被毁之后，殖民者引入了包含它自身“组成部分”的现代西方教育。群岛上的字母被罗马字母取代。这改变了学习的方式，学习由传统中坐在一起的交流转变为一种冰冷的、单向灌输式的课堂。当然，像口语一样，某个特定社会使用的书写系统也根植于其自然和社会条件。知识传播中不熟悉的部分和媒介也会影响获取知识的具身过程。我在本文开篇抱怨的对于写作和阅读活动的缺乏重视，或多或少是受到了强制推行的书写系统产生的影响。

What is also important is how colonialism changed the medium of knowledge dissemination. After the Nusantara manuscripts were destroyed, colonisers introduced modern Western education which has its own 'components'. The letters of the archipelago were replaced with Roman letters, changing the method of learning, from the tradition of sitting together and talking into a cold, unidirectional classroom. Of course, like spoken languages, the writing system used by a particular society is rooted in its natural and social conditions. Unfamiliar components and mediums of knowledge dissemination also affect the embodied process of obtaining the knowledge. The lack of seriousness towards writing and reading activities I complained about at the beginning of this article has more or less been a result of the effect of an imposed writing system.

回到《Jurnal Karbon》的命运

Back to the Fate of the Jurnal Karbon

以上的历史故事如何有助于反思《Jurnal Karbon》的历程？前面提到过，《Jurnal Karbon》本身并不是一个知识传播工具。将之视为一种在不同知识传播媒介上进行实验的努力更为准确——从印刷期刊到网络杂志、视频和电台聊天等形式。但如果我们翻阅该期刊的六期纸本刊物，会发现一种与今日《Jurnal Karbon》所做的电台聊天相似的写作形式。在这六期的每一期中，你总能找到一份关于某一特定主题的讨论或谈话的转录稿。可以说，这本杂志从一开始就关注这些对话。在不知不觉中，当《Jurnal Karbon》近年来愈发专注于通过电台广播传递谈话时，这种对对话的强调再次浮现。

How does the historical story above contribute to the reflection on Jurnal Karbon's journey? Earlier it was mentioned that Jurnal Karbon is not a knowledge distribution tool in itself. It's more accurate to see it as an effort to experiment with various media of knowledge distribution: from printed journals to online magazines, videos and radio talks. But if we open the six print editions of this journal, we will find a form of writing that is similar to what Jurnal Karbon is doing today: radio talks. In each of the six issues, you will always find a transcript of a discussion or talk on a particular subject. It could be argued that the journal has been concerned with conversations from the beginning. Unconsciously, this emphasis on conversations came to the fore again when Jurnal Karbon in recent years has concentrated more on delivering talks via radio channels.

也有可能——这当然仍属推测——群岛的口述传统以更深刻的方式向它的人民对话。是现代教育让我们忘记并远离了它。诸如网络广播和播客等平台的兴起，或许重新唤起了类似于口述传统的知识传播可能性。人类最初发明文字，不是为了让它能永恒不变地流传下去吗？在口述传统中，知识的传承依靠一代代口耳相传，其特性恰恰在于传递过程中可能产生的诸多变异。而如今的录音与播客技术，实际上消除了这种变异的可能，使口头语言得以在任何时间、任何地点被聆听。

It is also possible, and this is again speculation, that the oral tradition of the archipelago speaks to its people in a more profound way. It's modern education that has made us forget and distance ourselves from it. The emergence of platforms such as Internet-based radio and podcasts may have raised the possibility of knowledge distribution similar to the oral tradition. Didn't human beings invent writing in the first place so that it would be timeless and immutable for passing on? In oral traditions, the transmission is done by word-of-mouth, from generation to generation, with the risk— which is precisely the peculiarity of the oral tradition itself—that there will be many variations. Recording and podcast technologies actually eliminate the occurrence of various variations. Oral speech can thus be heard today and anywhere.

《碳杂志》印刷版的对话实录。Transcript of the conversation in the Print Edition of the Jurnal Karbon.

到2025年，ruangrupa将年满25岁。《Jurnal Karbon》也是如此。最近，《Jurnal Karbon》一直处于停刊状态，安静地休息，只是偶尔发布新材料。迪尔多·阿迪迪约（Dirdho Adithyo）、巴古斯·普尔沃阿迪（Bagus Purwoadi）、阿尤·毛拉妮（Ayu Maulani）和我，目前在《碳杂志》工作的四个人，把我们大部分的精力都花在Gudskul生态系统的其他工作上。《Jurnal Karbon》似乎在独自坐着，等着我们再次修补它。这篇文章只是回忆的溢出和翻阅现有档案的结果。它可能是一种反思，它可能是一个问题，它可能是一个进一步改变的开始。或者，它也不会产生任何东西。

In 2025, ruangrupa will be 25 years old. The same goes for Jurnal Karbon. Lately, Jurnal Karbon has been on hiatus, resting quietly and only occasionally releasing new material. Dirdho Adithyo, Bagus Purwoadi, Ayu Maulani and myself, the four people who are currently at Jurnal Karbon, have been spending most of our energy on other work at Gudskul Ekosistem. Jurnal Karbon seems to be sitting alone, waiting for us to tinker with it again. This article is just a spillover of memories and the result of leafing through existing archives. It may be a reflection, it may be a question, it may be a start for further change, or it could also not produce anything.

本文由迪尔多·阿迪迪约首次编辑与校对。

英文第二轮编辑：黄梓耘

翻译：邹健仪、聂小依

翻译校对：刘菂

This article was first edited and proofread in English by Dirdho Adithyo.

Second-round English editing by Cindy Ziyun Huang.

Chinese translation by Jianyi Zou and Nie Xiaoyi.

Final proofread by Di Liu.

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注释 Notes

[1] Sinta是由教育和文化部颁发的杂志认证制度。请参阅https://sinta.kemdikbud.go.id/，2024年12月17日访问。

Sinta is a journal accreditation system issued by the Ministry of Education and Culture. See https://sinta.kemdikbud.go.id/, accessed on December 17, 2024.

[2]罗尼·奥古斯丁等人编辑，《Absolut Versus》(雅加达: ruangrupa) ，2001年，第53页。我不确定印尼的最后一本艺术杂志是否是《艺术人》。也许当ruangupa的早期成员写《碳杂志》的描述时，他们并没考虑艺术学院的“学术期刊”。也可能是当时学术界还没有艺术期刊。即使有，有时学术刊物与学术界之外的实践也没有太多联系。至于上面引用的说法的精确性，还需要再做研究才能确定。

Ronny Agustinus cs (eds.). Absolut Versus (Jakarta: ruangrupa), 2001, p. 53. I am not sure that the last art journal in Indonesia was Seniman. Perhaps when the early members of ruangrupa wrote the description of Jurnal Karbon, they did not count the 'academic journals' of the art schools. Or perhaps there were no art journals from academia at that time. Even if there were, sometimes academic journals didn't have much contact with practices that happen outside academia itself. As for the accuracy of the claim in the quote above, it needs its own research.

[3] 《Karbon》 （Cetak城市版）。 2001年第四期，第二版印刷，第2页。

Karbon (Cetak Urban Edition). Terbitan 2 – 04 / 2001. p. 2.

[4] 阿尔迪·尤南托 等（Ardi Yunanto et al.），《Ruangrupa 2000–2015》，雅加达：ruangrupa，2015年，第11页。

Ardi Yunanto cs. Ruangrupa 2000 – 2015 (Jakarta: ruangrupa), 2015, p. 11.

[5] 这并不意味着《Jurnal Karbon》完全独立于ruangupa的工作。从最早期到现在，这种联系一直是不可分割的。我在这里的意思是，定义的重点已经转移了。

This does not mean that Jurnal Karbon is completely separate from the work of ruangrupa. From its earliest days until now, the connection has been inseparable. What I mean here is that the emphasis of the definition has shifted.

[6] 当然，ruangrupa的书面作品并不局限于这篇文章所提到的。还有许多其他书籍、目录和网站都是由runangupa制作的。在这篇文章中所呈现的是，在我看来，与《Jurnal Karbon》最相关的文章。

Of course, ruangrupa's written work is not limited to what this article mentioned. There are many other books, catalogues, and websites produced by ruangrupa. What is presented in this article is the writings that, in my opinion, are the most relevant to Jurnal Karbon.

[7] 阿尔迪·尤南托，“Hai, Bung!”，《Bung!》，第四版，2012年12月至2013年1月， 第103页。

Ardi Yunanto. “Hai, Bung!”, Bung! Edisi 4 Des 2012 – Jan 2013, p. 103.

[8] 在这个时间轴上，有一个《Jurnal Karbon》的项目被遗忘了，也就是2015年《Jurnal Karbon》和Qubicle合作的视频报道项目“Tak Kenal Maka Tak Sayang”（马来谚语，意为“不知道就不会爱”）。视频中讨论了不少于10个关于艺术及其生态系统的报道和闲谈视频。这些视频展示了黄道十二宫的小故障对艺术创作的影响。

There is one Jurnal Karbon program that has been forgotten on this timeline, namely the video coverage program entitled Tak Kenal Maka Tak Sayang (Do not know, do not love), a collaboration between Jurnal Karbon and Qubicle in 2015. No less than 10 videos of coverage and casual conversations about art and its ecosystem were discussed in the video. The videos present glitches to the influence of the zodiac on artistic endeavors.

[9] 我要在这里强调，这并不意味着我认为其他国家的情况更好。然而，由于对其他国家类似问题的了解有限，我把注意力放在了印度尼西亚。

I should emphasise here that this does not mean that I see conditions in other countries as better. However, due to limited knowledge about similar issues in other countries, I focus on the conditions in Indonesia.

[10] 当然，这并不适用于所有类型的作家和所有类型的写作；有某些类型的写作非常有市场，也有某些作家可以走高速公路。

Of course, this doesn't apply to all types of writers and all types of writing; there are certain genres of writing that are very marketable, and there are certain writers who can walk the high road.

[11] 迈克尔·J·桑德尔，《正义：什么是正确的事？》（纽约：Farrar， Straus and Giroux）2009，第191 –192页。

Michael J. Sandel. Justice: what's the right thing to do? (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux), 2009, pp. 191–192.

[12] “Priyayi是属于社会某个阶层的人，他们的地位被认为是可敬的，比如公务员。”KBBI在线，于2024年12月18日访问。

'Priyayi is a person who belongs to a layer of society whose position is considered honorable, for example, civil servants', KBBI Online. Accessed on December 18, 2024.

[13] 马丁·苏里亚加亚（Martin Suryajaya），《重返德里雅尔卡拉：校友返校活动手册》（Homecoming Alumni STF Driyarkara: Buku Program），雅加达：德里雅尔卡拉哲学院（STF Driyarkara），2019年。

Martin Suryajaya. Homecoming Alumni STF Driyarkara: Buku Program (Jakarta: STF Driyarkara), 2019.

[14] 参见：希尔玛·法里德（Hilmar Farid），《寂静作为前殖民地国家文学的核心母题》，载于 尼杜帕拉斯·厄尔朗（Niduparas Erlang）编，《研讨会：后殖民与当代跨学科议题》（楠榜卡西比东：勒巴县教育与文化局，2018年）；以及 马丁·苏里亚加亚（Martin Suryajaya），《文学，毁灭》（雅加达：Velodrome 出版社，2024年）。

See Hilmar Farid, “Kesunyian sebagai Motif Utama Kesusastraan di Negeri Bekas Jajahan”, in Niduparas Erlang (ed.), Simposium: Pascakolonial dan Isu-Isu Mutakhir Lintas Disiplin (Rangkasbitung: Dinas Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Kabupaten Lebak), 2018. And Martin Suryajaya, Kesusastraan Kehancuran (Jakarta: Penerbit Velodrome), 2024.

[15] Felix K. Nessi, Orang-Orang Oetimu. (Jakarta: Marjin Kiri). 2022, p. 39.

Felix K. Nessi, Orang-Orang Oetimu. (Jakarta: Marjin Kiri), 2022, p. 39.

[16] 希尔玛·法里德，《寂静作为前殖民地国家文学的核心母题》（Kesunyian sebagai Motif Utama Kesusastraan di Negeri Bekas Jajahan），第2–3页。

As quoted in Hilmar Farid, 'Kesunyian sebagai Motif Utama Kesusastraan di Negeri Bekas Jajahan', pp. 2-3.

[17] 希尔玛·法里德·塞提亚迪（Hilmar Farid Setiadi），“重写国家：普拉姆迪亚·安纳塔·图尔与非殖民化政治”。博士论文，亚洲文化研究项目，新加坡国立大学，第74–82页。

Hilmar Farid Setiadi, 'Rewriting the nation: Pramoedya Ananta Toer and the politics of decolonization'. PhD Thesis. Cultural Studies in Asia Program. National University of Singapore, pp. 74 – 82.

[18] 马丁·苏里亚加亚，《文学，毁灭》，第104页。

Martin Suryajaya, Kesusastraan Kehancuran, p. 104.

[19] 马丁·苏里亚加亚，《文学，毁灭》，第125页。

Martin Suryajaya, Kesusastraan Kehancuran, p. 125.

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作者

Berto Tukan是雅加达 Gudskul Ekosistem 的成员。他是一名居住在雅加达的作家和独立研究者，同时也是 Jurnal Karbon的一员。2019至2021 年，他与 Gudskul Ekosistem 的几位朋友一起研究了印度尼西亚艺术团体的发展情况。这项研究的成果发表于《2021 年的艺术修复者：对过去十年印尼艺术团体的评估》（Yayasan Gudskul Studi Kolektif，2021年）一书中。他的短篇小说集《Seikat Kisah Tentang yang Bohong》于 2016 年出版，他最近出版的一部诗集是《Aku Mengenangmu dengan Pening yang Butuh Panadol》（2021 年）。

Berto Tukan is a member of Gudskul Ekosistem, Jakarta. He is a writer and independent researcher who lives in Jakarta and also a part of Jurnal Karbon. In 2019 - 2021, together with several friends in Gudskul Ekosistem, he researched the development of art collectives in Indonesia. The results of that research can be read in the book, Articulating Fixer 2021: An Appraisal of Indonesian Art Collectives in the Last Decade (Yayasan Gudskul Studi Kolektif, 2021). His short story collection, Seikat Kisah Tentang yang Bohong was published in 2016 and his last poetry collection was Aku Mengenangmu dengan Pening yang Butuh Panadol (2021).

本文图片均由作者提供。

感谢吴作人国际美术基金会对本文稿酬的支持。

感谢通过“赞助人计划”支持《歧路》的个人与机构。